Powered by Blogger.
  • Home
  • About
  • Contact
    • Category

Law of Treaties (Perjanjian Internasional): Issues in Indonesia

by: Dr. iur. Damos Dumoli Agusman



2018 ASIL Annual Meeting

Adjudicators, Negotiators, and the Evolution of Maritime Delimitation Law

Moderator:
Prof. Alina MIRON, University of Angers (France), Counsel and advocate in international litigation

Speakers:
• Ronny ABRAHAM, Judge, International Court of Justice
• Damos DUMOLI AGUSMAN, Directorate General of International Law & Treaties, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Indonesia
• Alison MACDONALD, Barrister, Matrix Chambers
• Bernard OXMAN, University of Miami School of Law
• Jin-Hyun PAIK, President, International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea


The law of maritime delimitation, often qualified as ‘judge-made law,’ has been shaped to a large extent by international judges and arbitrators' interpretation of certain provisions of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is, therefore, case law that has helped reduce subjectivity and uncertainty in this field of international law, allowing at the same time for the evolution of the law of maritime delimitation. The panel addressed recent developments in the law of maritime delimitation, focusing on specific judgments and awards rendered over the past year, as well as the politics and negotiation of maritime delimitation agreements. Were thus discussed:

-      2 February 2017: ICJ judgment on preliminary objections in Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya);

-      29 June 2017: final award in Arbitration Between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Slovenia;

-      21st September 2017: ITLOS judgment in Dispute concerning delimitation of the maritime boundary between Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire in the Atlantic Ocean (Ghana/Côte d'Ivoire);

-      2 February 2018: ICJ judgment in Maritime Delimitation in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, joined with Land Boundary in the Northern Part of Isla Portillos (Costa Rica v. Nicaragua);

-      27 February 2018: ECJ (Grand Chamber), Western Sahara Campaign UK v Commissioners for Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs, Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, case C‑266/16;

-      6 March 2018: signature of the Treaty Between Australia and the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste Establishing Their Maritime Boundaries in the Timor Sea, concluding the conciliation process.

Prof. Alina Miron
UNCLOS offers many possibilities to Parties to choose between various fora of dispute settlement (ICJ, ITLOS, arbitration, possible ITLOS or ICJ chamber). Flexibility is the best word to characterize the dispute settlement mechanism under UNCLOS. Flexibility though is not chaos. President Paik, Judge Abraham, do you think that the recent decisions (Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire and Somalia v. Kenya) managed to clarify to some extent the conditions under which the various fora may assert their jurisdiction? Is there a risk a risk of forum shopping?


President Jin-HyunPaik

First of all, thank you very much for the invitation. Good afternoon everyone. I will comment briefly about what happened during the Ghana v. Côte d’Ivoire case. As you know, under Part XV of UNCLOS, States Parties have freedom to choose one or more of the four procedures provided in Article 287 for dispute settlement. Now, if States Parties chose the same procedure, the dispute between them is submitted to that procedure. However, if they have accepted different procedures, then the dispute is submitted to an Annex VII arbitration. If States chose no procedure at all, they are deemed to have accepted the Annex VII Arbitration. So Annex VII arbitration is either a residual or default procedure.
 
Now what happened in Ghana / Côte d’Ivoire
case: the dispute was submitted to annex VII arbitration in accordance with article 287 of the Convention, because both parties didn’t choose any procedure at all. So according to article 287, the dispute was referred to arbitration. However a few months after the institution of arbitral proceedings, both parties negotiated and concluded a special agreement to transfer their dispute to the special chamber of the Tribunal. I must add that this was not the first time that this kind of transfer took place. This happened before, in M/V Saïga case, the first case that the Tribunal had to deal with in 1998. This also happened in the Bay of Bengal case. The dispute between Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire was submitted not to the Tribunal but to a Special Chamber of the Tribunal, at the request of the parties. In fact, article 15 of the Statute of the Tribunal provides that the Tribunal shall form a special chamber if parties so request. The composition of such a chamber is determined by the Tribunal with the approval of the parties. Again, this was not the first time that the Tribunal formed a special chamber; this happened before, in a case concerning Conservation and sustainable exploitation of Swordfish stocks between Chile and European Community. Now, some may call this risk of forum shopping. I must confess that I don’t know exactly what is meant by risk of forum shopping, but I consider what happened in Ghana/Côte d’Ivoire Case as a positive development not only for the Tribunal but also for the parties to the dispute. So far, many disputes have been submitted to Annex VII arbitration, not because parties to the disputes chose Annex VII arbitration as their preferred procedure, but essentially because they have not chosen any procedure at all. In other words, not by choice but by default. Because Annex VII arbitration is a default forum. As far as I recall, more than two thirds of States Parties to the Convention haven’t chosen any procedure at all. Therefore, any dispute involving them should go to the Annex VII arbitration. This is the reality. So, in light of this reality, I think it’s not a bad idea that even after a dispute was submitted to Annex VII arbitration, parties to the dispute think twice if it would serve their best interest to refer their dispute to arbitration or if there is a better option for them.
So you may call it forum shopping or cafeteria approach, you may call it whatever you like, but I think it is basically a positive development for my Tribunal as well as for parties to the dispute.
If I may add one more thing from the standpoint of Tribunal, you would not be surprised if I say that we are not entirely happy with Article 287, especially with the fact that arbitration is a residual forum. But this is what article 287 provides for, and there is not much we can do about it. But when a dispute is submitted to annex VII arbitration, I think that it’s always not a bad idea for parties to the dispute to consider whether that’s really what they want or whether there would be any other option for them, as far as the choice of procedure is concerned.

Judge Ronny Abraham

I will focus on one particular aspect of the judgment on preliminary objections rendered by the International Court of Justice (hereinafter “ICJ”) on 2 February 2017 in the case concerning a Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Somalia v. Kenya). In this case, the Court was confronted with a delicate legal issue which arose out of a potential conflict of jurisdiction between the ICJ, on the one hand, and on the other hand, the dispute settlement mechanisms instituted by Part XV (entitled “Settlement of Disputes”) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (hereinafter “UNCLOS”).

It is recalled that both Parties had each made an optional clause declaration under Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court, none of which contained reservations excluding maritime disputes or disputes relating more generally to the law of the sea. In addition, both Kenya and Somalia are parties to UNCLOS, and neither of them having made a declaration under Article 287, paragraph 1, of that Convention, which provides that parties to that instrument may choose, by way of  written declaration, one or more of the specific means of dispute settlement set out in that provision in order to solve their disputes concerning the interpretation or application of the Convention, they are deemed, in accordance with paragraph 3 of the same provision, to have accepted to resort to arbitration under Annex VII of the Convention.

On the basis of the previous elements, and only them, the ICJ would certainly have had jurisdiction to entertain the Parties’ dispute, and not an arbitral tribunal under Annex VII, by virtue of Article 282 of the Convention, which states that

“[i]f the States Parties which are parties to a dispute concerning the interpretation or application of this Convention have agreed, through a general, regional or bilateral agreement or otherwise, that such dispute shall, at the request of any party to the dispute, be submitted to a procedure that entails a binding decision, that procedure shall apply in lieu of the procedures provided for in this Part, unless the parties to the dispute otherwise agree”.

Indeed, the phrase “or otherwise” which appears in this Article is to be construed as encompassing declarations made under Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute of the Court – with the result that when both parties to a dispute have made such declarations, there exists an agreement between them, within the meaning of Article 282 of the Convention, to submit their dispute to the Court. Such interpretation was confirmed by an analysis of the travaux préparatoires of UNCLOS, and was undisputed by the Parties, who accepted that their two optional clause declarations under Article 36 of the Statute constituted an agreement on a procedure that entails a binding decision, namely a judgment by the Court. 

But the difficulty in the case stemmed from the fact that Kenya’s optional clause declaration contained a reservation excluding the Court’s jurisdiction with respect to “disputes in regard to which the parties to the dispute have agreed or shall agree to have recourse to some other method or methods of settlement”. Kenya argued that Part XV of UNCLOS amounted to an agreement between the Parties to have recourse to some or other method or methods of settlement within the meaning of its reservation, which therefore applied in this case, with the effect of excluding the Court’s jurisdiction.

The Court was thus faced with a situation of double exclusion or “negative cross-reference”: on the one hand, an optional clause declaration made under Article 36 of the Statute of the Court which however expressly excluded from the Court’s jurisdiction disputes with respect to which the Parties agreed on another method of settlement, namely, according to Kenya, the procedures provided for in Part XV of UNCLOS; and on the other hand, an acceptance by both Parties of the jurisdiction of an arbitral tribunal under Part XV of UNCLOS, one provision of which (Article 282) states that the dispute settlement procedures laid down in Part XV do not apply when the parties agreed on another procedure leading to a binding decision, which is the case of the two optional clause declarations made by the Parties under Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Court’s Statute. This relationship between the Parties’ optional clause declarations and Part XV of UNCLOS was described by the Parties as potentially giving rise to circularity, because Kenya’s reservation to its optional clause declaration could lead each of the two possible basis for the Court’s jurisdiction to exclude each other. Each Party attempted to break this “cercle vicieux”, but of course the Parties did it in opposite ways.

In its judgement, the Court decided that in such a situation, its jurisdiction based on Article 36, paragraph 2, of the Statute took precedence over any jurisdiction based on Part XV of UNCLOS. It must be emphasized that in its reasoning, which can be found at paragraphs 121 to 132 of the judgement, the Court did not propose a general interpretation of Part XV of UNCLOS, but rather responded to very specific circumstances. The Court concluded that it had jurisdiction to entertain the case before it on the basis of the Parties’ optional clause declarations. That conclusion was reached on the basis of an interpretation of Article 282 of UNCLOS and considering in particular the travaux préparatoires of the Convention. It seems clear that, should the declaration of Kenya have specifically excluded disputes relating to maritime delimitations or more generally disputes concerning the law of the sea, the Court would have found that it had no jurisdiction and that only the methods of dispute settlement provided for by UNCLOS were applicable.

Prof. Alina Miron
The first use of the mechanism of compulsory conciliation under Annex V of UNCLOS by Timor Leste was undoubtedly a resounding success, though the process was not devoid of any obstacles (Australia was at first unwilling to engage in conciliation). Professor Oxman, what are according to you the lessons which can be learnt from this first experience? How different from the judicial mechanisms were the commission’s functions and procedures?

Professor Bernard H Oxman:
We must begin by congratulating both the parties and the conciliation commission on the signature on March 6, 2018 of the maritime delimitation treaty between Australia and Timor-Leste. There is, we trust, more good news to come in terms of formal processes and practical implementation of both the treaty and the comprehensive action plan agreed by the parties on August 30, 2017 in the course of the conciliation process. And we look forward to the forthcoming release of the Commission’s final report.[1]
Conciliation is typically viewed as a process to which a dispute is submitted by agreement of the parties after a dispute arises. Among the reasons is that conciliation does not result in a legally binding judgment or award.
The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) nevertheless contains advance agreement to conciliation of certain types of disputes that have been excluded from compulsory arbitration or adjudication.[2] It is accordingly important to bear in mind that the broader the competence of a conciliation commission in that particular context, the broader may be the implicit exclusion from compulsory and binding arbitration or adjudication under the Convention, perhaps especially in the context of the text on maritime boundary disputes.[3] This in turn may lead to an unusual situation in which both parties in such a conciliation process, albeit for very different reasons, may have an interest in a broad interpretation of a conciliation commission’s competence.
In its decision on competence, the commission indicated that its competence includes transitional matters pending delimitation.[4] In this connection I note that no court or arbitral tribunal has yet to decide that a declaration under Article 298(1)(a) of UNCLOS excludes jurisdiction with respect to the obligations of the parties to exercise restraint prior to delimitation of their overlapping entitlements. That obligation arises not only under paragraph 3 of Articles 74 and 83 but under other provisions of UNCLOS as well, including those that refer to the Charter of the United Nations[5] and international law as well as the basic principle of due regard to the rights and interests of other states[6] and the prohibition on abuse of rights.[7] It may be particularly pertinent to note that the ICJ recently had the occasion to recall the wise counsel of the PCIJ in 1927 that, in making jurisdictional decisions involving alternative fora, we should be wary of “a negative conflict of jurisdiction involving the danger of a denial of justice.”[8]
Because the object of conciliation differs from that of arbitration and adjudication, the procedures of conciliation differ as well. Timor-Leste made clear during the hearing on competence that it “do[es] not think that these proceedings should be conducted as if they are international litigation at all.”[9] In the same vein, at the treaty signing ceremony on March 6, the chairman of the Conciliation Commission stated, “This conciliation was a brave new world for all of us, even for those of my fellow Commissioners who have spent much of their careers at the UN, the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, the International Law Commission, the International Maritime Organization, and countless international arbitration tribunals.”
It is already clear from the public record that the nature of this Commission’s work at different times fell at different points in a continuum extending from arbitration to mediation. The hearings and decision on competence certainly have the feel of an arbitration. There the similarity ends. As the chair noted, “The Commission is not here to decide the Parties’ dispute, but to help them find an agreement that is both fair and achievable, in accordance with the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.”[10]  The myriad meetings held in multiple cities with the parties, and on some occasions with a joint venture entity as well, are repeatedly described “as part of a structured dialogue”. Toward the very end of the process, the Commission, with expert assistance, presented the parties with an economic analysis of alternative options for moving forward with the joint development of part of the area. We are clearly quite far afield from adjudication or arbitration, while undoubtedly well within the scope of facilitating the ability of the parties to reach agreement.
I conclude by noting that, insofar as the public record indicates at this juncture, the Commission, wisely in my view, did not address sub-paragraph a(ii) of Article 298, paragraph 1, of the Law of the Sea Convention as such. That paragraph concerns what comes after the conciliation. Hopefully the agreement reached by the parties renders those questions moot. 


President Jin-Hyun Paik

I just want to make one comment on this question, whether, in light of the success of conciliation in Timor Leste v. Australia case, conciliation can be an alternative to adjudication or arbitration. I think it is a good question. I agree with you that the latest conciliation has been a big success, and that this is certainly a positive development in terms of dispute settlement. Now States have another option for the settlement of their dispute. That being said, adjudication, in my view, has two functions :
-       the first is, of course, settlement of disputes: it is a very important function to settle disputes by applying law.
-       the second function is: adjudication, especially for the law of the sea, is an important means to protecting the integrity of the Convention regime.
You know that the UNCLOS is a product of a package deal. It represents a very complex compromise and balance between diverse interests among States. The Convention therefore doesn’t allow reservations. Also, the Convention comprehensively deals with many issues relating to the use and protection of our ocean. As such, the Convention includes many rules which are not very clear, or left intentionally ambiguous, and many gray areas as well. In light of this nature of the UNCLOS, part XV of the Convention, especially the Section 2 on compulsory procedure, is extremely important to hold together the entire edifice of the Convention which could easily fall apart if different countries start to interpret provisions of the Convention as they like. So there should be a judicial mechanism, which authoritatively interprets and applies provisions of the Convention.   This function of adjudication is crucial in guarantying the integrity of the Convention. This function cannot be expected from conciliation. Of course, modern conciliation has been significantly judicialized. The five members of the Conciliation Committee in Timor Leste v. Australia case were all lawyers, as professor Oxman said; they are lawyers, judges, members of International Law Commission and so on. But still, conciliation is conciliation. Conciliation is basically a diplomatic means of dispute settlement, not a judicial means. The bottom line is negotiation between the parties with the assistance of the conciliation commission. Therefore, there is a fundamental difference between conciliation and adjudication. Yes, for dispute settlement, conciliation is an addition to adjudication or arbitration. But, for authoritative interpretation or application of the Convention, I think that it is something which can be carried out only by adjudication.
If I may just add one point with respect to what may be called the Asian approach toward dispute-settlement, the conciliation can be a good option for Asian countries. As I happened to be President of Asian Society of International Law, I had an occasion to examine Asian attitude. Of course, in the past, I may say that Asian attitude toward international law and institutions has been rather passive. However, there has been a significant change over past twenty years or so. Now, Asian countries are more confident about a judicial approach to their problems or disputes. You can tell that there is a significant increase in terms of the number of disputes submitted to international courts and tribunals by Asian countries. If you look at the nature of those disputes, you would realize that a tremendous change has taken place to the attitude of Asian countries over past two decades. Today, I don’t see much difference between Asian States and non-Asian States in terms of attitude toward international law and international dispute settlement. It is a very positive development, in my view, that Asian countries today embrace international law and institutions more than before.

Prof. Alina Miron:
Director Agusman, what are your views on the architecture of Part XV of procedures for settling maritime disputes? On substance, do you think that the archipelagic status (which is among the innovations brought by UNCLOS), warrants a particular treatment in maritime delimitation? So far, judges tended to ignore straight and archipelagic baselines when they drew the provisional equidistance line (like for instance the ICJ in Costa Rica v. Nicaragua (2018), but also in Qatar v. Bahrain and the arbitral tribunal in Barbados v. Trindade and Tobago).


Dr. iur. Damos Agusman[11]

 The conclusion of the Law of the Sea Convention in 1982 (the Convention),  highlighted by the emergence of a new maritime zone (EEZ) and the extension of the breadth of territorial sea from three to twelve nautical miles,  has required Indonesia to adjust its maritime boundaries. As any other coastal State, Indonesia is entitled to all maritime zones as provided by the Convention and therefore needs to draw the boundaries for the respective zone in accordance with its provisions. Geographically, Indonesia is bordered by ten neighboring States where the maritime zones overlap.   As prescribed by the Convention, Indonesia shall enter into negotiation with its neighbors to reach an agreement. This Paper will explain how Indonesia addresses the issue.

I. Boundaries Negotiation for Archipelagic Struggle
Indonesia began negotiation on maritime boundaries in 1969 with its immediate neighbors, Malaysia and Singapore, for a specific reason. Following the Djuanda  Declaration in 1957, where Indonesia unilaterally declared itself as an archipelagic State by drawing straight baselines connecting its outermost points of the outermost islands, most countries have expressed their protests  against the unilateral move. The most affected country was Malaysia as the expansion of the breadth of the maritime zones generated from the archipelagic baselines affected   not only its immediate maritime zones but also cut into Malaysia’s high seas access  previously enjoyed by Malaysia between its Western peninsula and Borneo.
Having failed to gain recognition of its newly declared archipelagic status at the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea in 1958 and 1960, Indonesia approached Malaysia in order to secure Malaysia’s recognition with a view of maintaining good neighborliness. The negotiation took less than two weeks (9-22 September 1969) and resulted in the first boundary agreement on continental shelf with Malaysia in 1969 stretching from the Strait of Malacca to the South China Sea. The eagerness to gain Malaysia’s recognition for Indonesia’s archipelagic State claim had induced the Indonesian delegation to give more conciliatory and even generous approach to negotiation. Hence, the agreement appeared to be in favor of Malaysia.
The case with Malaysia is only one example which shows how a negotiation on maritime delimitation might be concluded in a quick manner when a special interest was at stake. The records suggest that Indonesia, in order to obtain recognition of its archipelagic State’s claim , has concluded delimitation agreement in a relatively quick fashion with its other neighbors. In 1971, for example, Indonesia settled the negotiations with three countries all together, i.e. Papua New Guinea, Thailand and a tri-junction point agreement with Thailand and Malaysia. In the period of 1972-1975, agreements were reached with Australia, Singapore, and India. These maritime boundary agreements have strengthened the legal position of Indonesia when advancing the archipelagic proposal during the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of Sea. The adoption of the archipelagic State regime under the Convention was therefore not contested by its neighbors.

 II. Boundaries Negotiation under UNCLOS 1982
The recognition of the archipelagic State regime by Indonesia’s neighbors    before the conclusion of the Convention, has apparently led Indonesia to switch into a ‘normal’ position in negotiating the remaining boundaries. There was no more special interest attached to the negotiations except a mutual interest based on equal respect between the countries. Since then, there was no agreement reached by Indonesia until 2003, when Indonesia and Vietnam settled their continental shelf boundary after thirty-year negotiation (1971-2003).
The Boundaries Agreement with Australia in 1997, which was negotiated only within a year, might be an exception. In this particular case, a special interest was again attached to Indonesia i.e., at that time, to acquire recognition from Australia for the integration of East Timor into Indonesia. The boundary lines were hugely in favor of Australia with the adoption of, among others, the outdated principle of natural prolongation by which the continental shelf of Australia encroached the EEZ of Indonesia.
With Malaysia, Indonesia persistently asserts the view that the existing existing continental shelf lines shall not automatically serve as the EEZ lines[12]. Malaysia has made a declaration upon its ratification of the Convention stating that the single line principle shall apply to both regimes. Indonesia has made it clear to to all neighbors that have concluded continental shelf line with Indonesia, that an EEZ agreement is still required. Whether the EEZ line will coincide with the existing continental shelf line or not would be another matter. The reason is simple, and it is rooted in the objective of the delimitation itself, i.e. equitable solutions. As explained above, some shelf lines were drawn by applying the now outdated principle of natural prolongation. Some others were on the basis of Indonesia’s courtesy for the archipelagic State recognition. To impose these lines as EEZ lines would result in inequitable solutions.
To date, boundaries with Papua New Guinea are the most complete, i.e. covering the territorial sea, EEZ and continental shelf. Negotiations are still ongoing on for the remaining areas with Malaysia, Vietnam, India, Singapore, Thailand, Australia, and the Philippines. Meanwhile, negotiations with Timor Leste and Palau have yet to recommence after a vacuum.
This shows that reaching an agreement in maritime boundary delimitation is not always an easy exercise. Although case law provides a three-step approach in delimitation process, it is hardly used in complete manner in the negotiation process. Furthermore, States may have different legal views in understanding the basic concept of maritime delimitation.

III. Boundaries Negotiation using Archipelagic Baselines
The most delicate issue for Indonesia is the very fact that Indonesia is an archipelagic State with peculiar geographical features. As stipulated by the Convention, Indonesia has declared itself as an archipelagic State and thus defined its archipelagic straight baselines in accordance with the rules. While the Convention and case law prescribe negotiators to start with (territorial sea) baselines, neighbors are not comfortable when dealing with Indonesia’s archipelagic straight baselines. Indonesia is of the view that an archipelagic State warrants a particular treatment in maritime boundary delimitation by using base points on archipelagic straight baselines. Some neighbors have contested by invoking the principle of “land dominates the sea” and regarded Indonesia’s proposal as entailing inequitable solution.
It is likely that the debate over the use of archipelagic straight baselines for delimitation will continue in the negotiation process. Some reasons account to it. First, there is no case law available as a guideline to address the issue. No case concerning the issue of delimitation by archipelagic baselines has ever been examined by the Court or Tribunal so far. Some jurisprudences such as the Trinidad v. Barbados arbitration case (2006) addressed the issue in a nutshell by simply stating that it is not baselines (including archipelagic baselines) that determine the orientation of the coastlines.
Second, some case law tends to diminish the role of baselines as the geometrically objective basis for drawing the provisional equidistant line. In Romania v. Ukraine case (2009), the Court selected and determined its own base points and took no account of the baselines defined by the parties, even where the lines were legitimate under the Convention. The case has led many scholars to doubt the geometrically objective nature of the first stage of the three-stage approach, and even to assume that there are four[13] instead of three-stage methods, saying that the selection of base points is actually the first stage. Similarly, in Nicaragua v. Costa Rica (2018), the Court set a condition where base points should be situated on a ‘natural coast’ and ‘solid land’ that have a relatively higher stability than points placed on sandy features by ignoring the straight baselines legitimately determined by the Parties. In this regard the base points selected was not from baselines and thus ignoring the notion of “nearest points on the baselines” as envisaged in Article 15 of the Convention.
Although the Court’s judgment in this case shall not be interpreted as directly relevant to the case of archipelagic States, the judicial trend might affect the relevance of using ‘base points on archipelagic baselines’ in delimitation process. As the length of archipelagic lines may be up to 125 Nm and mostly extended further to seaward, most archipelagic ‘nearest points’ are situated on the sea far from the coasts/solid land. On the other hand, state practices by Indonesia and its neighbors however indicate an increasing trend of using archipelagic baselines for constructing the delimitation line. In the Agreement with Singapore in 2014, archipelagic baselines are used on the part of Indonesia against the normal base lines on the part of Singapore. With the Philippines in 2014 Agreement, as archipelagic States, both use their respective archipelagic baselines.

IV. The Way Forward: Third Party Settlement?
Encountered with such difficulties, it is most likely that a negotiation will fail to reach any agreement. In such scenario, how should Indonesia’s approach be? As held in most Asian countries, direct negotiation is preferable because maritime boundaries are still regarded by Indonesia as associated with sovereignty. For the public, including the Parliament, boundary delimitation is a highly political issue for which the ‘intervention’ of third party is not yet welcome. Indonesia sets multilevel negotiations in hierarchical manner. It starts from technical negotiation and, if deadlock, goes up to senior official and up to the highest level where necessary.
On the other hand, it is interesting to note that no state party in Southeast Asia has made a declaration to exclude maritime delimitation from compulsory procedure under the Convention, except Thailand. Indonesia has neither made such declaration nor chosen any means for the settlement of dispute under Article 287 (1) of the Convention. It is to say that while Indonesia prefers to have direct negotiation as the primary mode for settling the dispute, yet it opens the door for the other party to bring the case under the compulsory procedure. To date no case against Indonesia has been brought to a third-party dispute settlement mechanism under the Convention as the issue is still on the negotiating table and apparently the States concerned consider that the negotiations are not yet exhaustive.
The success of the Conciliation Procedure under the Convention by Australia and Timor Leste in 2018 concerning the delimitation in Timor Sea has drawn attention of many States in the region, including Indonesia. Compared to arbitration or other judicial dispute settlement, conciliation is more flexible and conciliatory in nature. It is more “friendly” and comfortable to States that not in favor of dispute settlement decision as it imposes no binding outcome. The Conciliators’ proposal seeks a win-win solution and thus secures a face-saving outcome. These are compatible to Asian culture and, at the end, might reconcile the absolutist position of the respective parties.
Like other dispute settlement mechanism, the said Conciliation appears to apply indispensable third party rule. Prior to the conclusion of the conciliation proceeding, Indonesia has made it clear to both parties through diplomatic channels that the outcome of the Conciliation shall not prejudice the sovereign rights of Indonesia over the maritime zones to which Indonesia is entitled to under the Convention. Both parties have apparently given due respect to Indonesia’s maritime interest by drawing the line in a manner not encroaching Indonesia’s waters.
Nevertheless, it is unlikely that conciliation procedure is an option for Indonesia, at least for the time being. It is because none of the negotiations has reached an exhaustive stage, even if any, continued negotiation at the higher level is preferable by, in the same time. managing potential conflicts that might arise on the ground. Time constraint is not at stake.

***

Prof. Alina Miron
Questions of maritime entitlements are brought not only under UNCLOS umbrella. The Western Sahara Campaign UK case before the ECJ is interesting on more than one account. In this case, the Advocate General considered that the bilateral treaty between EU and Morocco, which allowed European fishermen to fish off Western Sahara’s maritime areas, violated the latter’s rights of self-determination.  The Court did not follow this line of reasoning, but eventually agreed that the treaty could not lawfully apply to these areas. How do you appreciate recourse to a regional court there were UNCLOS does not seem to provide for an answer? Do you imagine any circumstances under which Western Sahara (or other de facto States) might have access to UNCLOS mechanism?

Alison Macdonald QC
Thank you, Professor Miron: it’s an honour and a pleasure to contribute to today’s discussion. To set the scene, I will begin with a bit of background about what the Western Sahara[14] decision was and how it arose. The issue of self-determination came before the Court of Justice of the European Union (“CJEU”) by an interesting route, as a reference on a point of law from the English High Court. Western Sahara was not itself a party to or litigant in the case; the claim in England was brought by an NGO, the Western Sahara Campaign (“WSC”), against the Secretary of State. The WSC sought to challenge the UK’s implementation of a fisheries agreement which had been concluded between the EU and Morocco, which on its face allowed fishing vessels registered in EU Member States to fish off the coast of, among other locations, Western Sahara. The English High Court decided to refer the question of the validity of the treaty to the CJEU, as it was entitled to do under the EU Treaties. So that is how the status of Western Sahara, and the right of its people to self-determination, fell to be decided on in litigation arising from the UK: this was the first case in which the preliminary reference procedure had been used to obtain a ruling from the CJEU on the validity of an international agreement concluded by the EU. 

As you know, when a case is referred to the CJEU, an Advocate General is assigned, and issues a reasoned opinion setting out how he or she would decide the case. Such opinions are addressed to the Court, but are publicly available as soon as they are issued. In this case, in a really interesting and richly-analysed opinion, Advocate General Wathelet concluded that the treaty breached EU law because it violated fundamental principles of international law, foremost among these the right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination. The Advocate General’s opinion very much intrigued commentators, of course, and the Court’s decision was keenly awaited.

That decision was recently handed down. The reasoning of the Court was a little narrower than that of the Advocate General, but still very interesting. As I explained, the Advocate General had said that the treaty violated the right of self-determination which the people of Western Sahara enjoy under international law, so it’s incompatible with EU law. The Court reasoned in a slightly different way. Instead of holding the treaty to be invalid, it emphasised that legal acts of the EU must be interpreted in conformity with international law as far as possible. So in a sense it gave the EU more of the benefit of the doubt than the Advocate General had done, and interpreted the text of the treaty on the basis that it was not intended to violate international law. So, the Court reasoned, the geographical scope of the treaty should be interpreted as excluding the coastline of Western Sahara (since the grant of fishing rights in that area would violate the right of self-determination). This meant that the treaty remained in force, but with Western Sahara carved out of its scope in order to give effect to the objective which the Court attributed to the EU, namely abiding by international law.

This is a very interesting and important decision for reasons which go beyond the scope of today’s panel. But I think, coming back to our focus on the law of the sea, we can  immediately see a contrast with the UNCLOS mechanism. As many of you will have seen, the majority of the Annex VII Tribunal in the case of Mauritius v United Kingdom[15] – one of those who dissented, Judge Wolfrum, is in our audience today – decided that they didn’t have any jurisdiction under UNCLOS over Mauritius’ claim to the Chagos Archipelago, which, again, was heavily based on the right of self-determination. The CJEU has been criticised recently for having a rather expansive approach to its remit – whether those criticisms are right or wrong, on this particular issue there is a clear difference in scope between the EU legal framework and UNCLOS.

Returning to the question of procedure, and to answer Professor Miron’s question about access of non-State entities to UNCLOS, I began by telling you how Western Sahara got to the CJEU so that you could see that it was actually quite a quirky process that led to this issue coming up before the Court. But I think it is potentially significant that under Article 305 of UNCLOS, the Convention is open for signature, not only by States, but by other categories of territory, including territories which have been recognised by the UN as enjoying full internal self-government but which have not yet attained full independence in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), as well as international organisations.

So Article 305, while not covering every form of territory, certainly embodies a more inclusive approach than many other treaties, opening membership up significantly beyond the traditional domain of sovereign States. This creates the possibility that emergent States – including those whose independence is a matter of struggle or controversy – along with supportive international organisations may take advantage of the dispute settlement provisions offered by UNCLOS.

Prof. Alina MIRON
Dear all, this concludes our panel on maritime delimitation. At the beginning, I have said that flexibility is the best world to describe the dispute settlement mechanisms in the Convention. I would just add that many ways remain to be explored until UNCLOS has revealed its full potential.
Please join me in thanking the panelists for these enlightening clarifications and their stimulating reflections. And to the organizers, and in particular Tafadzwa Pasipanodya and Peter Tzeng from Foley Hoag and Angel Horna from the Permanent Mission of Peru to the United Nations for putting up such an outstanding panel.



[1] The Report and Recommendations of the Compulsory Conciliation Commission between Timor-Leste and Australia on the Timor Sea was subsequently issued on May 9, 2018 (PCA Case No. 2016-10). Annex 21 to the Report contains the Comprehensive Package Agreement of August 30, 2017. Annex 28 contains the Treaty signed by the Parties on March 6, 2018. The report, annexes, and other documents and information regarding the conciliation cited below are available on the PCA website.
[2] United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, opened for signature Dec. 10, 1982, Art. 297, paras. 2(b), 3(b), Art. 298, para. 1(a), 1833 UNTS 397 (hereinafter UNCLOS).
[3] UNCLOS, Art. 298, para 1(a).
[4] Conciliation Commission Decision on Australia’s Objections to Competence, Sept.  19, 2016, paras. 93-99.
[5] UNCLOS, Arts. 279, 301.
[6] See Oxman, The Principle of Due Regard, in The Contribution of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea to the Rule of Law: 1996-2016, p. 108 (International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, Brill/Nijhoff, 2017).  
[7] UNCLOS, Art. 300.
[8] Maritime Delimitation in the Indian Ocean (Som. v. Kenya), Preliminary Objections, Judgment, para. 132, 2017 ICJ Rep. -- (Feb. 2), citing Factory at Chorzów (Germ. v. Pol.), Jurisdiction, Judgment No. 8, 1927, P.C.I.J., Series A, No. 9, p. 30.
[9] Conciliation Commission Decision on Competence, note 4 supra, para. 22, citing Competence Hearing Tr. (Final) 349:10-12.
[10] PCA Press Release, April 3, 2017.
[11] Director General for Legal Affairs and Treaties, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Indonesia. This Article is purely his academic and personal views.
[12] Damos D. Agusman & Gulardi Nurbintoro (2015) The single line maritime boundaries of Malaysia and Indonesia in the Malacca Strait?, Australian Journal of Maritime & Ocean Affairs, 7:3, 223-227

[13] S. Fietta and R. Cleverly, A Practitioner’s Guide to Maritime Boundary Delimitation, OUP, 2015, 573-585.
[14] The Queen, on the application of Western Sahara Campaign UK v Commissioners for Her Majesty’s Revenue and Customs and Secretary of State for the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, Case C-266/16.
[15] The Chagos Marine Protected Area Arbitration (Mauritius v. United Kingdom), PCA Case No. 2011-03.

Share
Tweet
Pin
Share
No comments

Hard Work Continues to Settle Maritime Borders, Jakarta Post 13 Dec 2018


Damos Dumoli Agusman and Gulardi Nurbintoro[1]

            Every 13 December we are commemorating the day in 1957 when Prime Minister Djuanda proclaimed Indonesia’s new maritime approach. The proclamation, later known as the Djuanda Declaration, established that Indonesia has the lawful right to draw baselines connecting the outermost points of its outermost islands and that the waters within that baselines fall under Indonesia’s sovereignty.
            The Declaration, obviously a departure from the then well-established international rule of drawing territorial sea from each island instead of an archipelago, was met with worldwide protests.   Conscious of the winding journey in finding international recognition, Indonesia was actively engaged in various multilateral and bilateral forums in order to ensure that Indonesia’s proposal would be accepted.
            One of the means was to sought recognition through maritime boundary delimitation. In 1969, Indonesia and Malaysia agreed to a continental shelf boundary in the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. It took both countries only a couple of months of negotiations until the agreement was reached.  The maritime boundary agreement opened the path to another bilateral treaty in 1982 in which Malaysia firmly recognized Indonesia’s archipelagic State concept.
            Since the 1969 signing until now, Indonesia remains committed to the settlement of maritime boundary delimitation with its neighbors. History shows that the negotiations were not always smooth and easy. Although the negotiation on continental shelf boundary with Malaysia was resolved quickly, it was not the case for the maritime boundary in other areas. Indonesia and Malaysia have yet to agree on a delimitation line in the Ambalat area. Another example, it took 30 years for Indonesia and Vietnam to reach an agreement on a continental shelf boundary which was signed in 2003. Since 2010, both countries are still negotiating an Exclusive Economic Zone boundary.
            There are various factors that come into play when determining whether the boundary can be concluded promptly or not. First, the willingness of the States concerned. Regardless how eager Indonesia is to conclude a maritime boundary, it will never happen when the other State is not willing, and Indonesia must respect this. At the end of the day, it takes two to tango.
            Second, legal issues. Since the adoption of UNCLOS in 1982, the international legal basis for delimiting a maritime boundary mainly refers to the provisions of UNCLOS. The provision for the delimitation of territorial sea is governed by article 15, while the delimitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone and the continental shelf is governed under articles 74 and 83 respectively.
While there is usually no legal question with respect to the delimitation of territorial sea, there remains an issue on the use of single boundary line for the delimitation of Exclusive Economic Zone and the continental shelf. Indonesia believes that separate lines should be drawn for delimiting each zone as the continental shelf and Exclusive Economic Zone are two different regimes under UNCLOS. Also, the International Court of Justice, while applying a single boundary line since the Gulf of Maine Case in 1984 until the most recent delimitation case of 2018, Maritime Delimitation in the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, had never stated that single boundary line is customary international law. Indonesia’s position is not shared by all its neighboring countries, hence the need to allocate some time to negotiate on this issue alone.
Third, technicalities issues. Once both countries agreed to commence the delimitation negotiations, negotiators are left with the technical issues. This is the part where both sides have to agree on the use of basepoints and baselines. The process will then be followed by the negotiations on the proposed median line. Arguments and counter-arguments will usually take place on why certain basepoints and baselines should or should not be used. This will take some time.
Fourth, a border treaty to be agreed and signed will be a sacred document. It is not a treaty in ordinary sense. Once it is concluded it must be forever and hardly to be terminated even for a good reason. Under Vienna Convention 1969 on the Law of Treaties has stipulated that even a fundamental change of circumstances may not be invoked as a ground for terminating or withdrawing from a treaty that establishes a boundary. To some extent it will make negotiators more cautious and think more than twice in making any final words. Furthermore, whatever they agree on the negotiation table should be made accountable to their respective constituents especially Parliament. They need ample time to say yes.
But one cannot deny that in terms of maritime boundary agreements, Indonesia is the most prolific country in the Southeast Asian region. Overall, Indonesia has entered into 18 delimitation agreements on various maritime zones with Australia, India, Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. However, not all maritime zones have been yet delimited with those countries. Also, no maritime boundaries have been delimited with Palau and Timor Leste.
It is true that the pending boundaries is a homework for the Indonesian Government. However, the public must understand that delimitation is not a simple undertaking as it involves various factors. The negotiators are always guided by the precautionary principle to ensure the result of the negotiations will not be to the detriment of the Indonesian people. At the same time, rest assured that Indonesian negotiators are keen and committed to settle all maritime boundaries in order to accomplish the Djuanda Declaration.      


[1] Damos Dumoli Agusman and Gulardi Nurbintoro earned their doctoral degree from Goethe University of Frankfurt in Germany and the University of Virginia in the United States, respectively. Both are Indonesia’s negotiators for maritime boundary delimitation. 

Share
Tweet
Pin
Share
No comments
Kamis, 30 Agustus 2018

Damos Dumoli Agusman, “In House Lawyer” Pemerintah Spesialis Hukum Internasional

Keberadaan Indonesia adalah produk hukum internasional. Maka, Indonesia tidak bisa lepas dari eksistensi hukum internasional itu sendiri.


Hukum Online


Normand Edwin Elnizar.

Damos Dumoli Agusman, “In House Lawyer” Pemerintah Spesialis Hukum Internasional Direktur Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional Kementerian Luar Negeri, Damos Dumoli Agusman.


Tidak banyak yang menyadari kehadiran Direktorat Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional Kementerian Luar Negeri (Ditjen HPI Kemlu) sebagai penyangga penting keberhasilan berbagai diplomasi Indonesia. Kemlu terlihat hanya sekadar menangani dinamika dan strategi politik Indonesia di luar negeri. Padahal, perhitungan dan analisis hukum yang jitu menjadi kunci keberhasilan diplomasi.

Damos Dumoli Agusman, Direktur Jenderal yang memimpin direktorat ini memberikan ilustrasi menarik tentang peran Ditjen HPI dalam politik luar negeri Indonesia. “Kami menjadi in house lawyer Pemerintah,” ujar diplomat yang telah berkarier selama lebih dari dua dekade ini kepada hukumonline dalam wawancara khusus di ruang kerjanya, Kamis (9/8).

Ia menggambarkan bagaimana para diplomat di Ditjen HPI harus menguasai diplomasi dengan memahami hukum internasional sekaligus mengetahui masalah teknis. Bahkan menurut Damos, diplomat di Ditjen HPI perlu memahami banyak aspek hukum internasional dan mengatahui berbagai hal teknis lintas bidang karena “klien” mereka bukan hanya Kemlu, tapi seluruh Kementerian dan Lembaga Negara.

“Kami back up aspek hukum untuk berbagai penyikapan terkait isu internasional. Kalau direktorat lain itu total diplomasi dan politik, serta hanya menguasai kawasan,” kata Damos yang meraih gelar Doctor iura dengan predikat magna cum laude dari Goethe University of Frankfurt.

Ia mencontohkan bagaimana Ditjen HPI harus berhati-hati memberikan rekomendasi penyikapan soal berbagai penangkapan kapal nelayan Indonesia oleh aparat negara tetangga. Adakalanya tempat penangkapan adalah wilayah laut yang diklaim Indonesia berdasarkan UNCLOS/Konvensi Hukum Laut, padahal belum ada perjanjian resmi dengan negara tersebut untuk mengesahkan garis batas.

Konvensi Hukum Laut memang baru mengakui rezim Negara Kepulauan, namun tidak mengatur soal pengesahan garis batas antarnegara bertetangga. “Publik sering memahami seolah-olah pagar kita itu sudah tuntas. Sehingga apa yang terjadi di sana itu pasti hak kita. Kami berhati-hati melihat lebih dekat,” ujarnya.

Damos, demikian ia akrab disapa, adalah lulusan sarjana hukum dari Fakultas Hukum Universitas Padjajaran dengan konsentrasi studi hukum internasional tahun 1987. Sejak saat itu, pria kelahiran Aceh Barat ini telah menghabiskan separuh hidupnya berkarya pada bidang hukum internasional.

Damos tercatat pernah menjadi asisten dosen dari Guru Besar Hukum Internasional kenamaan di almamaternya, Prof. Mieke Komar. Ia cukup aktif mengajar hukum internasional di beberapa kampus sambil meniti karir diplomat hingga akhirnya ditugaskan ke Kedutaan Besar RI di Den Haag, Belanda.

Karier yang terus menanjak tak menghentikan Damos meluangkan waktu untuk mengajar sebagai dosen. Pada saat yang sama ia pun terus melanjutkan studinya di berbagai kesempatan. Gelar Master of Art on International Law and Politics diraih Damos di University of Hull, UK. Hal yang paling sulit dipercaya soal rekam jejak pendidikan akademis Damos adalah menuntaskan studi doktor di Jerman hanya dalam waktu dua tahun. Itu pun sambil menjabat sebagai Konsul Jenderal RI yang berkedudukan di Frankfurt.

“Banyak orang protes, saya bilang kalau saya tidak mengerjakan studi ini dua tahun. Saya hanya menulisnya dalam dua tahun. Risetnya sudah sepanjang karier saya, jadi kalau tanya berapa lama saya S-3 ya 20 tahun,” katanya sembari tertawa.

Diplomat yang juga berstatus dosen di FH Universitas Padjajaran, FH Universitas Indonesia, dan FH Universitas Pelita Harapan ini sempat berbagi tips menyelesaikan studi doktor dalam waktu singkat.

Menurutnya, penelitian studi doktor harus dimulai jauh sebelum terdaftar sebagai mahasiswa program doktor. Strateginya, Damos mendalami hal yang telah menjadi bidang kerjanya sebagai diplomat. Disertasi yang dipertahankan Damos empat tahun silam telah diterbitkan di Indonesia menjadi buku berjudul “Treaties under Indonesian Law: Comparative Study”.

Hukumonline mendapat kesempatan berbincang bersama Damos Dumoli Agusman mengenai berbagai isu hukum internasional. Berikut petikan wawancara hukumonline sambil menikmati secangkir teh hangat di ruang kerja Direktur Jenderal HPI, lantai 2 Gedung Utama Kementerian Luar Negeri Republik Indonesia.





Dirjen HPI Kemenlu, Damos Dumoli Agusman. Foto: RES

Bisakah diceritakan secara singkat tentang Direktorat Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional yang anda pimpin ini?

Direktorat Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional yang menjadi bagian dari Kementerian Luar Negeri ini adalah organisasi yang unik. Dalam pengertian dia tidak ada di Kementerian dan Lembaga (K/L) lainnya. Kalau di berbagai K/L mungkin sering ada bagian kerja sama ekonomi atau bagian investasi, misalnya. Tapi khusus kerja sama internasional hanya ada Direktorat Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional di Kementerian Luar Negeri. Ini artinya bahwa isu mengenai hukum internasional, isu perjanjian internasional adalah kompetensi agak absolut dari Kementerian Luar Negeri.

Sehingga Ditjen ini adalah satuan kerja yang nggak bisa kita temui padanannya di lembaga negara lain. Tugas pokok dan fungsi kami antara lain menyiapkan kebijakan, regulasi, dan penyikapan Indonesia mengenai hal-hal yang berkaitan dengan hukum internasional, perjanjian internasional, dan relasi antara hukum nasional dengan hukum internasional. Ini keunikannya. Anda tidak akan menemui yang seperti ini di Kementerian dan Lembaga lainnya.

Sebagai negara berdaulat, apa saja yang perlu menjadi perhatian Indonesia dalam tren perkembangan hukum internasional? Apa pentingnya kita memperhatikan isu ini?

Pertama bahwa Indonesia di dalam pembukaan UUD itu sudah sangat jelas mengatakan bahwa kemerdekaan itu ialah hak segala bangsa dan oleh sebab itu dan seterusnya. Ini artinya bahwa lahirnya Indonesia itu sebenarnya di-driven atau dari produk hukum internasional. Makanya pembukaan internasional mengatakan itu. Jadi norma yang dirujuk oleh pembukaan UUD itu adalah norma hukum internasional. Kemerdekaan itu ialah hak segala bangsa itu kan norma hukum internasional. Baru setelah itu dia membuat konstitusi. Nah dari sini saja kita sudah dapat menyimpulkan bahwa Indonesia sangat menghormati hukum internasional dan menempatkan hukum internasional sebagai starting point sebenarnya. Berdasarkan hukum internasional itulah negara lahir. Setelah lahir kemudian dia membentuk konstitusi. Jadi originally DNA kita itu adalah negara Indonesia sebagai produk hukum internasional. Oleh sebab itu Indonesia tidak bisa lepas dari eksistensi hukum internasional itu sendiri.

Namun ada dinamika. Ini dinamika yang tidak bisa kita nafikan bahwa kita mencapai kemerdekaan dengan melawan penjajah Belanda yang notabene adalah bagian dari negara-negara kolonial pembentuk hukum internasional, ada sentimen politik. Kita menjadi terlihat seolah-seolah anti hukum internasional. Padahal sebenarnya tidak. Kita sentimen anti penjajahan. Itu saja. Tetapi karena kebetulan penjajah itu adalah the author of international law, pada waktu itu menyebabkan ada gerakan nasionalisme. Gerakan inilah yang mengakibatkan terjadi dinamika.

Seolah-olah kita menyangkal hukum internasional, which is not true. Saya bilang itu tidak benar karena pada era 70an hingga 80an, Profesor Mochtar Kusumaatmadja justru memanfaatkan hukum internasional untuk konvensi hukum laut tentang negara kepulauan. Jadi kalau pada masa itu kita terlihat anti pada hukum internasional dan ada gerakan nasionalisme hukum, itu sebenarnya hanya gerakan politik ketimbang gerakan doktrin hukum.

Kenapa? Pak Mochtar ternyata mengkapitalisasi hukum internasional untuk kepentingan bangsa yaitu Archipelagic State (negara kepulauan-red.). Dengan adanya konsep Archipelagic State ini kan Indonesia justru memproduksi satu norma hukum baru. Makanya, dikatakan Indonesia itu making international law instead of breaking it. Indonesia membuat, ketimbang melanggarnya. Nah dari konteks sejarah ini maka kita harus putuskan bahwa Indonesia justru ambil bagian dalam hukum internasional itu.

Yang kedua, Indonesia juga sudah memutuskan bahwa kita akan go global kan. Artinya kita tidak meniru negara-negara yang menutup diri seperti Kuba atau Korea Utara. Nah kalau go global artinya kepatuhan kita kepada hukum internasional itu juga semakin tinggi. Masalahnya adalah bahwa relasi hukum nasional dengan hukum internasional tidak selalu mulus karena ada tarik-menarik. Dalam pengertian begini, hukum internasional semakin memasuki wilayah hukum nasional, di lain pihak hukum nasional juga menggeliat dalam demokratisasi. Ada democratic legitimacy yang menuntut agar apapun yang mengikat warga negara harus melalui demokratisasi di parlemen.

Nah ini makanya ada asas legalitas hukum nasional berbenturan dengan asas universal hukum internasional. Itu sebabnya kita tidak selalu mudah mengeksekusi keputusan Resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB misalnya, karena terbentur asas legalitas. Jadi asas legalitas ini perlu dijembatani. Salah satu tugas Ditjen HPI untuk menjembatani kedua domain hukum ini. Bukan suatu pekerjaan yang gampang. Keduanya mengalami dinamika.

Di negara-negara otoriter itu gampang, apapun yang dikatakan hukum internasional tinggal dipaksa terima saja dalam hukum nasional. Selesai persoalan. Bagi Indonesia nggak bisa. Apa yang dikatakan hukum internasional harus berbasis hukum nasional juga.

Ada perdebatan soal bentuk hukum internasional dan juga posisinya terhadap hukum nasional. Apa sikap yang diambil oleh Pemerintah Indonesia?

Dinamis. Dulu pada masa awal kemerdekaan masih banyak penganut John Austin yang mengatakan bahwa hukum internasional itu hanya moral. Setelah itu sudah mulai bergeser meninggalkan pandangan John Austin. Khususnya para pakar hukum internasional. Itu dibuktikan dengan UNCLOS. Pada waktu Deklarasi Juanda kita formulasikan ke dalam UNCLOS, kita berkepentingan mengatakan hukum internasional itu adalah norma hukum. Kalau kita nggak katakan hukum internasional sebagai norma hukum, dianggap sekadar gerakan moral, nanti sesuka berbagai negara lain lalu lalang di wilayah perairan antar pulau kita. Kepentingan kita justru harus menganggap ini norma hukum, bukan moral.

Teori hukum positif mengharuskan adanya lembaga otoritas yang membentuk norma hukum. Bagaimana penjelasannya terkait hukum internasional di tingkat dunia?

Menurut Pak Mochtar ada teorinya, bahwa hukum internasional menjadi norma hukum karena kesepakatan negara. Pacta sunt servanda. Sumber mengikatnya karena negara sudah memutuskan mengikatkan diri. Namun sisa penganut John Austin masih ada khususnya di kalangan politisi, kalangan kelompok realis yang mengandalkan kekuatan. Di Kementerian Luar Negeri kami jelas mengatakan hukum internasional sebagai norma hukum.

Ada contoh menarik saat kita mencari pengakuan kedaulatan dari negara lain saat kemerdekaan. Itu justru menjadi refleksi bahwa kita mengakui adanya norma hukum internasional. Justru itu merupakan bukti bahwa kita menghormati hukum internasional.

Sekarang masih banyak perdebatan klasik antara hukum internasional dengan kedaulatan. Pak Mochtar dengan sangat hati-hati menjelaskan dalam bukunya bahwa kedaulatan itu harus berhenti pada saat dia memasuki wilayah internasional. Saya selalu kasih contoh begini, kita harus berhenti memiliki kebebasan berpacaran pada saat kita sudah menikah, gitu lho!

Penting diingat bahwa DNA kita mematuhi hukum internasional, bahkan memanfaatkan hukum internasional untuk mempertahankan eksistensi kita sebagai sebuah negara.

Kalau begitu, apakah perlu dibuat suatu payung hukum untuk menjamin perkembangan hukum internasional bisa diperkuat hubungannya dengan hukum nasional kita?

Dalam kehidupan bernegara, sumber hukum internasional yang paling nyata adalah perjanjian internasional. Bentuk paling clear yang kita tandatangani dokumennya, berisi pernyataan kehendak kita dan berbagai kesepakatannya. Oleh sebab itu muncul UU No.24 Tahun 2000 tentang Perjanjian Internasional. Itu untuk mengatur bagaimana Indonesia membuat perjanjian internasional serta implementasinya dalam hukum nasional. Jadi sudah ada payung hukumnya untuk hal ini.

Tapi undang-undang ini perlu diperbarui karena isu yang masuk dalam perjanjian internasional semakin berkembang. Dulu isi dalam perjanjian internasional hanya mengatur perang, damai, dan membuat aliansi. Sekarang dari A sampai Z. Mulai dari politik hingga urusan hama wereng.

Berikutnya adalah keputusan organisasi internasional. Tidak hanya PBB, tapi juga berbagai organisasi internasional yang Indonesia menjadi anggotanya seperti WTO, ICJ dan lain-lain.

Nah keputusan ini kadang-kadang masuk ke dapur kita. Semula hanya diatur dengan hukum nasional, nah mereka mulai mengatur. Bagaimana kita menyikapi ini? Kita belum memiliki mekanisme soal ini dalam hukum Indonesia. Itu sebabnya kami sedang membahas perlunya peraturan perundang-undangan yang memampukan keputusan organisasi internasional berlaku dalam hukum nasional. Itu belum ada di UU Perjanjian Internasional, sebab yang ini atas dasar keputusan organisasi internasional yang Indonesia ikuti.

Dulu kita nggak terbayang bahwa keputusan organisasi internasional akan membahas dapur kita. Ini tren belakangan, belum lama. Misalnya soal terorisme, PBB sudah bisa mengatakan seseorang adalah teroris. Mereka mengeluarkan daftar teroris. Nah dalam hukum nasional kita kan ada hukum acara pidana sendiri soal penetapan seseorang sebagai tersangka. Kalau seseorang dinyatakan teroris oleh PBB, apakah otomatis hukum nasional kita juga menerimanya?

Contoh lain misalnya ICC (International Criminal Court/Mahkamah Pidana Internasional-red) mengatakan Presiden suatu negara adalah penjahat dan harus ditangkap jika mampir ke Jakarta. Nah ini bagaimana kita menyikapinya? ICC meminta negara kita menangkapnya. Itu sebabnya perlu ada pengaturannya sekarang.

Harapan kami intinya ada payung hukum seperti undang-undang tentang arbitrase. Ada tata cara bagaimana mengeksekusi keputusan organisasi internasional. Di UU Arbitrase itu kan ada pengaturan tentang cara mengeksekusi putusan arbitrase internasional. Apakah harus ada penetapan pengadilan terlebih dulu atau bagaimana nantinya, kami ingin diatur semacam itu.

Tanpa ada payung hukum semacam itu akan ada kebingungan seperti tahun 80an dulu. Saat itu arbitrase internasional memutus perkara yang tidak bisa dieksekusi di Indonesia karena kita tidak punya payung hukumnya. Dulu diselesaikan dengan Peraturan Mahkamah Agung, itu pun tertatih-tatih sampai munculnya UU Arbitrase.

Bentuk apa yang paling tepat untuk payung hukum ini? UU, PP, Kepres, Perma atau yang lain?

Nah kami sangat terbuka soal ini. Saya bukan ahli perundang-undangan, tidak bisa meraba-raba yang paling tepat. Perlu diskusi lebih lanjut. Dalam perspektif kami, yang penting semua penegak hukum di Indonesia tidak gamang lagi untuk mengeksekusi keputusan organisasi internasional.

Tapi juga tidak digabungkan dalam revisi UU Perjanjian Internasional. Ada perbedaan karakteristik. Harus terpisah. Bahkan nanti ada lagi yang juga perlu diatur soal pelaksanaan customary international law, hukum kebiasaan internasional. Itu juga norma, living law, dia mengikat. Seperti pengakuan berdirinya negara de facto dan de jure, tidak tertulis dalam norma hukum manapuntapi mengikat. Tapi hukum kebiasaan internasional belum terlalu menjadi persoalan bagi kita.

Menguatkan hukum internasional dalam sistem hukum nasional itu kepentingan kita juga. Kita sudah pernah memetik keuntungannya. Kita mengupayakan pengakuan konsep negara kepulauan melalui jalur hukum internasional. Jadi kalau menyangkal hukum internasional, menurut saya kita menyangkal diri kita sendiri. Archipelagic State itu kan produk hukum internasional. Saat itu Archipelagic State tidak diakui. Amerika, Jepang, Inggris, protes saat ada Deklarasi Juanda.

Berkaitan dengan Archipelagic State dan UNCLOS, apakah batas wilayah laut Indonesia sudah tuntas?

Dulu saat UNCLOS lahir, kita manfaatkan untuk menutup wilayah kita meliputi perairan antar pulau. Makanya lewat garis-garis pangkal itu kita tutup. Ini sudah berhasil dengan UNCLOS. Selanjutnya kita menyelesaikan garis perbatasan. Karena UNCLOS melahirkan rezim baru yang membuat garis-garis batas baru. Itu harus membuat perjanjian satu per satu dengan negara-negara yang berbatasan. Sulit menentukan garisnya, karena bagaimana cara menarik garis batasnya tidak diatur dalam UNCLOS. Harus ada kesepakatan antarnegara yang berbatasan melalui perjanjian internasional.

Selama ini yang dilakukan adalah diskresi tanpa perjanjian antarnegara, tergantung pada hubungan politik. Perjanjian perbatasan ini butuh waktu lama karena sekali dibuat akan berlaku seumur hidup. Soal ini, semua negara di dunia punya masalah yang sama.

Ada tiga garis perbatasan yang harus kita buat dengan setiap negara yang berbatasan: batas landas kontinen, laut teritorial, dan Zona Ekonomi Eksklusif. Norma-norma tentang perbatasan laut pun sudah berkembang di berbagai yurisprudensi ICJ (International Court of Justice/Mahkamah Internasional-red.). Kami terus mempersiapkan diplomat-diplomat ahli bidang hukum laut ini. Ini sesuai dengan Nawacita untuk menjadi poros maritim dunia.

Ditjen HPI sudah mengajak semua negara yang berbatasan wilayah laut dengan Indonesia untuk bernegosiasi soal kesepakatan batas wilayah. Kesepakatan yang sudah komplit selesai adalah dengan Papua Nugini.

Adakah inovasi layanan Ditjen HPI yang bisa dinikmati publik?

Sekarang kami membuka berbagai dokumen perjanjian internasional untuk kepentingan informasi publik. Akses terbuka pada dokumen elektronik melalui situs Treaty Room di http://treaty.kemlu.go.id. Diluncurkan Januari 2018 lalu. Publik bisa mendapatkan dokumen perjanjian internasional yang dibuat Pemerintah.

Khusus kalangan mahasiswa, kami membuka magang secara terbuka. Saya ingin membumikan hukum internasional. Mendekatkan para mahasiswa dengan praktik penggunaan hukum internasional di lingkungan kerja para diplomat, sehingga apa yang dipelajari di kampus tidak lagi hanya teori di awang-awang.

Apa lagi yang sedang ditangani Ditjen HPI saat ini?

Kami sedang menangani 17 negosiasi tentang Free Trade Agreement (FTA). Apa urgensinya FTA? Data empiris menunjukkan perekonomian negara akan meningkat pertumbuhannya dengan memperluas pasar. Cina misalnya memanfaatkan free market dengan baik. Oleh karena itu kita harus percaya dengan pasar terbuka akan membuat pertumbuhan ekonomi meningkat semakin tinggi. Data empiris juga menunjukkan negara yang menutup dirinya cenderung tidak berkembang. Banyak contohnya.

Namun Indonesia belum tuntas soal perbincangan ide liberalisasi dalam perekonomian ini. Kadang-kadang kata liberalisasi ini sangat menakutkan kalau dipolitisasi di Indonesia. Manfaat open market belum tersosialisasi dengan baik. Free trade ini bagi saya lebih ke persoalan rules of the game. Kadang kita salah kaprah, hanya berbicara barang dari luar negeri masuk ke pasar kita, nggak bicara barang kita juga masuk ke pasar luar negeri. Juga lupa bahwa harga jadi semakin murah. Dulu ponsel mahal, sekarang jadi murah karena free trade. Banyak pilihan mau beli yang mana.

Saya sering beri ilustrasi, free trade itu bagi kita seperti kemoterapi. Menyakitkan, tapi pada akhirnya menyehatkan.
Share
Tweet
Pin
Share
No comments
Habibie Centre, 31 July 2018



Dua Tahun Berselang, Masih Terdapat Kesalahpahaman atas Putusan Arbitrase Laut Tiongkok Selatan


 August 3, 2018 Redaksi  0 Comments
MARGOPOST.COM | Jakarta: “Dua tahun telah berlalu sejak Mahkamah Arbitrase yang dibentuk berdasarkan Annex VII Konvensi Hukum Laut (UNCLOS) memutus sengketa pada 12 Juli 2016 antara Filipina dan Tiongkok mengenai Laut Tiongkok Selatan, namun kesalahpahaman mengenai arbitrase tersebut masih saja ditemui di berbagai kalangan,” demikian diungkapkan Direktur Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional, Dr. iur. Damos Dumoli Agusman, dalam diskusi publik bertajuk “Reviewing Two Years of PCA Tribunal Judgment on the South China Sea” yang diselenggarakan oleh The Habibie Center pada 31 Juli 2018 di Jakarta.


Direktur Jenderal Hukum dan Perjanjian Internasional, Dr. iur. Damos Dumoli Agusman, dalam diskusi publik bertajuk “Reviewing Two Years of PCA Tribunal Judgment on the South China Sea” diselenggarakan The Habibie Center, Jakarta, (31/8/2018)

Salah satu contoh kesalahpahaman yang sering ditemui, antara lain, adalah menganggap Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) sebagai lembaga yang menjatuhkan putusan arbitrase. Pemahaman yang tepat mengenai putusan sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan tersebut adalah bahwa putusan dijatuhkan oleh sebuah mahkamah arbitrase yang dibentuk berdasarkan Annex VII UNCLOS. PCA dalam hal ini hanya bertindak sebagai registry.
Selain itu, Dirjen Damos menyampaikan bahwa adanya jurang antara ekspektasi publik dengan konteks riil dari putusan turut menjadi penyebab adanya kesalahpahaman ini.
Sebagian masyarakat internasional mengharapkan mahkamah arbitrase untuk mampu menyelesaikan inti dari konflik di Laut Tiongkok Selatan, yakni sengketa mengenai kedaulatan wilayah. Akan tetapi, mahkamah tersebut memang tidak ditujukan untuk memutus mengenai perkara kedaulatan maupun tentang delimitasi maritim.
Mahkamah arbitrase dalam sengketa Laut Tiongkok Selatan semata-mata menimbang, antara lain:
  1. Keabsahan klaim Sembilan Garis Putus-Putus yang diklaim oleh Tiongkok;
  2. Apakah High Tide Feature yang berada di wilayah sengketa berhak atas 200 mil laut;
  3. Apakah suatu fitur merupakan low tide elevation yang tidak berhak atas perairan sama sekali.
Menatap ke depan, permasalahan Laut Tiongkok Selatan diharapkan dapat diselesaikan dengan tiga cara. Menurut Dirjen Damos, tiga metode tersebut adalah conflict prevention, maritime delimitation, dan solving the issue of territorial sovereignty.
Selain Dirjen Damos, diskusi tersebut juga diisi oleh Rene Pattiradjawane, Senior Fellow The Habibie Center, yang menyoroti isu Laut Tiongkok Selatan dari segi geo-politik. Dr Hasjim Djalal, Duta Besar senior dan pakar Hukum Laut, turut memberikan pandangan penutup dalam diskusi ini. Diskusi dihadiri oleh berbagai kalangan, termasuk beberapa perwakilan asing yang berada di Jakarta. (Sumber: Ditjen HPI).Ratu.-

Share
Tweet
Pin
Share
No comments
Newer Posts
Older Posts

About Me

My photo
Damos Agusman
View my complete profile

Labels

  • ASEAN (11)
  • Diplomatic law (17)
  • international law (52)
  • international security (2)
  • law of the sea (37)
  • law of treaties (28)
  • News (13)
  • Others (9)
  • south china sea (8)
  • treaties and domestic law (27)

recent posts

Blog Archive

  • March 2023 (1)
  • September 2022 (1)
  • August 2022 (1)
  • July 2022 (2)
  • June 2022 (5)
  • December 2021 (1)
  • September 2021 (1)
  • August 2021 (8)
  • July 2021 (4)
  • June 2021 (6)
  • May 2021 (1)
  • March 2021 (1)
  • February 2021 (2)
  • December 2020 (4)
  • October 2020 (1)
  • September 2020 (1)
  • August 2020 (1)
  • June 2020 (1)
  • May 2020 (1)
  • December 2019 (1)
  • July 2019 (1)
  • June 2019 (2)
  • May 2019 (5)
  • December 2018 (2)
  • September 2018 (1)
  • August 2018 (1)
  • July 2018 (1)
  • November 2017 (1)
  • February 2017 (1)
  • August 2016 (1)
  • July 2016 (1)
  • June 2016 (3)
  • May 2016 (1)
  • March 2016 (1)
  • February 2016 (2)
  • December 2015 (4)
  • November 2015 (3)
  • September 2015 (1)
  • August 2015 (1)
  • July 2015 (1)
  • May 2015 (1)
  • April 2015 (3)
  • March 2015 (1)
  • February 2015 (4)
  • January 2015 (3)
  • December 2014 (1)
  • August 2014 (1)
  • June 2014 (1)
  • May 2014 (1)
  • February 2014 (4)
  • January 2014 (2)
  • December 2013 (1)
  • November 2013 (1)
  • October 2013 (4)
  • May 2013 (3)
  • September 2012 (1)
  • July 2012 (2)
  • April 2012 (35)

Total Pageviews

Created with by ThemeXpose | Distributed by Blogger Templates